In a 2007 interview with The Boston Globe, candidate Barack Obama said "The president does not have power under the Constitution to unilaterally authorize a military attack in a situation that does not involve stopping an actual or imminent threat to the nation”
At the time Obama gave that speech to The Boston Globe, Mr. Obama was a political candidate running for office exploiting the prevailing anti-war feeling of the public after four years of war in Iraq and six years of war in Afghanistan. However, on March 19, 2011 President Obama unilaterally authorized the United States to attack Libya on humanitarian grounds, absent any threat to the U.S. and without approval from Congress.
The change in Barack Obama from a political candidate championing the republican principles enshrined in the U.S. Constitution to a powerful executive unilaterally using military force, illustrate how every president since the end of World War II has succumbed to an unofficial set of rules in Washington DC pertaining to U.S. military power known as the Washington Consensus. The decision by Barack Obama to unilaterally authorize a military attack on Libya, continue the war in Afghanistan and fail to close the military gulag in Guantanamo Bay, clearly illustrates how Barack Obama has embraced and maintained the Washington Consensus of power projection, a global military presence, and interventionism as the preferred method to achieve American foreign policy goals and objectives.
Explained in eloquent and perfunctory style by Andrew Bacevich in his book,
Washington Rules: America’s Path to Permanent War, the professor of international relations at Boston University and a former retired Lt. Colonel of the U.S. Army informs his readers that the Washington Consensus is a belief that the United States - and the United States alone - should lead, save, liberate and ultimately transform the world. Like most Presidents since the passing of The National Security Act in 1947, since becoming president, Barack Obama has succumbed to the powerful interests that form the National Security State and in the process stymie the republican principles of the Constitution and continue to enable the existence of an Imperial Presidency.
Very similar to days when monarchs like Louis XIV of France and his court of generals, bishops, and other First Estate aristocrats began to seek to fight “limited” wars that declining empires often fight for pride and prestige, first estate elites in America have supported and waged several limited wars is such places as Grenada, Panama, Afghanistan and Iraq. Like the First Estate elites in the Court of Louis XIV, the United States has increasingly fought these limited wars with a professional army, supported by mercenary soldiers.
In the eighteenth century, France was the superpower of Europe with a military that dwarfed those of its neighbors. And who dictated France’s decisions to go to war? The answer: the king, his generals, and his courtiers at the Court of Versailles. In the twenty-first-century, the U.S. celebrates its status as the world’s “sole superpower” with a military second to none. And who dictates its decisions to go to war? Considering the lessons of Iraq, Afghanistan, and now Libya, the answer is no less obvious: the president, his generals, and his courtiers within the vast edifice of Washington’s national security state.
France’s “enlightened” wars were fought by professional armies and mercenaries, directed by a unitary executive who did as he pleased, and endured by the lower orders who had no say (even though they provided the brawn and blood). Similarly, our twenty-first century masters plunge us into their version of enlightened wars and play their version of global chess matches.
The analogy can be pushed further. In pre-revolutionary France, the First and Second Estates (the clergy and the nobility) constituted less than 2% of the population but controlled nearly all of France’s wealth and power. Their unholy alliance kept the Third Estate (everyone who wasn’t a churchman or a noble) under their collective thumb.
Now, consider the United States today. Our equivalent to the First Estate would be the clergy of finance and banking (the religion of the almighty dollar). Look for them in their houses of worship on Wall Street. Our Second Estate equivalent would be the movers and shakers inside Washington’s Beltway. Look for them in the White House, the Pentagon, Congress, and on K Street where the lobbyists for the First Estate tend to congregate. The unholy alliance of these two estates leaves the American Third Estate -- you and me -- with the deck stacked against us.
A close reading of the Declaration of Independence reveals a proto-republic’s contempt for wars waged by kings, such as Louis XIV, who often used the lower classes as cannon fodder, in order to pursue their own power and prestige. By giving the more pluralistic Congress the power to declare war, the founders of the Constitution intended to check the power of the executive and its tendency to abuse military power for personal prestige and political gain. A prominent example of how an executive can use the military for its own personal prestige and political gain was the the May 2, 2003 media event of President G.W. Bush landing aboard the USS Abraham Lincoln. The recent killing of Osama bin Laden in Pakistan and the bump in the polls for Barack Obama is the most recent example of how the executive branch often benefits the most from military power and the brawn and blood expended by the members of the military.
While the esoteric terms of an Imperial President and a National Security State may be contentious to most Americans who only have a superficial understanding of the U.S. Constitution, the terms explains how Presidents and non-elected elites in Washington DC, who are a part of the Dept. of Defense, CIA, State Department and Dept. of Homeland Security, habitually subvert the checks and balances of power enshrined in the U.S. Constitution. Since the passing of the National Security Act in 1947 and the creation of the Central Intelligence Agency and the National Security Council, the executive branch has habitually used the CIA as its own private army and the members of the all volunteer force with contempt and disdain. This is clearly evident with service members enduring multiple year tours in Iraq and Afghanistan, while the rest of the population goes on with their own lives with little attention to the sacrifices of the men and women in the U.S. military.
First used to destabilize and overthrow god-less Communist governments in Iran in 1953, to Vietnam in the 1960s to central and South America in the 1970s and 1980s, the CIA is now being used to fight god crazed terrorists in the Middle East and south central Asia.
The continuing drone attacks authorized by Barack Obama in Pakistan by the CIA, confirms that Mr. Obama is no different than every Imperial President who has held the executive branch of government since the end of World War II.
Although most political pundits ridicule the campaign slogan of change by Barack Obama in 2008, in all truthfulness, Barack Obama did change. He changed from an idealistic leader attempting to challenge the entrenched interests of the National Security State, to a pragmatic politician obeying the decade’s long rules of the Washington Consensus. This was quickly confirmed when Barack Obama nominated two former defense lobbyists for the number two and number three positions at the Pentagon in January 2009 and recently confirmed again with his appointment of General Petraeus to the CIA and the transfer of the former head of the CIA to the Pentagon.